Power

What I learned in Philly's 14th Ward about language, class and the interfaces of political power

This is cross-posted at TechPresident

Yesterday I wrote about getting Lost In Hillaryland while driving down to Philadelphia to volunteer for the Obama campaign. In that post at Kenneth Cole’s Awearness Blog, I write about how after the mini-adventure of the day, my oldest came to the same conclusion as Joe Trippi : that Obama was going to lose.

My son’s observation was the most interesting part of the whole trip because it lent credit to my recent thinking of “politics as interface”.

Let’s look quickly at the definition of interface :

in·ter·face
(ĭn'tər-fās') Pronunciation Key
n.
1. A surface forming a common boundary between adjacent regions, bodies, substances, or phases.

2. A point at which independent systems or diverse groups interact: "the interface between crime and politics where much of our reality is to be found" (Jack Kroll).

3. Computer Science

1. The point of interaction or communication between a computer and any other entity, such as a printer or human operator.
2. The layout of an application's graphic or textual controls in conjunction with the way the application responds to user activity: an interface whose icons were hard to remember.

An interface is a “surface forming a common boundary”, a space that is not only a common space but a mesh of space and communication. As the Java handbook to object-oriented programming explains rather well, an interface is not just the end result of a design process. Interfaces don’t come from the outside of the software process. It is part of the process itself.

So the surface that creates a common boundary is not outside two distinctive people or two distinctive groups. An interface is not something that is given to a “user”. An interface is a meshing of actions or simply put, it’s a two way street.

“Politics as interface” would be the meshing of actions, states of beings and phases between individuals, groups or even systems negotiating power. As a space of communication and as a meshing of actions, states of beings, wills and desires for power, politics as interface is developed all the time.

Politics as interface in Hillaryland is in the box of buckshot lighters gracing the gas station attendant’s counter. Politics as interface in Hillaryland is certainly the senior women holding posters saying “Honk for Hillary”.

Yet Politics as interface in Hillaryland was the absence of sidewalks down Cedar Road, the expansive manicured front lawns with their mansions in the background and the “Hillary” signs cleaving the dirt in the foreground. It was the absence of white people in the small crowds waiting with exhausted looks on their faces for the bus to come. And it was certainly the meshing sights on the road to Philly of million dollar mansions, to quaint family homes to the “We buy ugly houses” signs next to boarded up brownstones and row after row after row of broken down and abandoned buildings on North Broad Street.

When we got lost in Hillaryland, my son was very keen and very much aware of who had the upper hand in expressing power. And it became even more obvious to him when we went canvassing on the 14th Ward.


liza's picture

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The top of the ticket : That's what the attacks are all about

Some say Hillary Clinton found her voice and it's republican (h/t Oliver Willis).

Well, now we know why Hillary Clinton has gone into Karl Rove territory with her "he's not fit to lead" attacks against Obama : She wants to be on the top of the ticket.

This from CBSTV :

NEW YORK (CBS) ― Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton hinted at the possibility of a Democratic "dream ticket" with Sen. Barack Obama.

Speaking on "The Early Show" on CBS, Clinton said "that may be where this is headed, but of course we have to decide who is on the top of the ticket."

Clinton said the race between her and Obama remains "incredibly close," with just "smidgens of difference" between them in both the popular vote and number of delegates.

Unbelievable. She will do what it takes to be in the Oval Office, no matter the consequences.

If this is dirty politics at its worse, I don't know what is. And what's worse, the DNC is all behind the effort.


liza's picture

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Barack Obama's online campaign strategist is gone. Should we be shocked?

The Barack Obama campaign has one of the worst track records in reaching out to the blogosphere for support. Not only have they snub the so-called netroots bloggers that strategize through the Townhouse mailing list, but they have actually gone out of their way to not reach out to prominent black, latino and women bloggers who are outside of said mailing.

The best example of this snub was the campaign's absence from BlogHer, the largest convention of women bloggers in the United States and, technically, the world. At BlogHer we had the pleasure to have Elizabeth Edwards as one of our keynote speakers. The Hillary Clinton campaign made a lukewarm appearance by sending in a representative. The biggest omission was Barack Obama himself. After all, the conference was in his hometown of Chicago.

Not sending Michelle Obama to speak to the 800+ networks of vote-ready of mostly mommybloggers who were in attendance has been, in my opinion, one of the biggest mistakes of the Obama campaign. Worse than the unforgivable muscling-out of the volunteer Joe Anthony from the largest volunteer Obama network on MySpace.

So it does not come as a surprise that Barack's blogger outreach guy has left the building :


liza's picture

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Jesus Did Not Say: "Shut Your Pie Hole"

(Update by Liza Sabater, Publisher : Hello Salon Readers! Feminist bloggers are not taking the attacks against Amanda, Melissa and other feminist bloggers lightly. We are working now harder than ever to create a Feminist Bloggers PAC.)

###

I have sat with this for days now, trying to bring to fruition in language the tremendous anger, sadness, and yes—fear—that flooded me last week as I watched Amanda and Melissa become the targets of Christofascists' attacks. (For tremendous work on the topic, please see Liza's posts, including a full roundup of links to the feminist blogosphere's reaction.) I choose my words carefully, and when the urge comes upon me to let loose a string of expletives—necessary language for me sometimes, the ur language that boils forth from an angry soul—I try to tamp it down. I want to be heard.

One thing I do know. Jesus did not say: "Shut Your Pie Hole."

But Paul did: In I Corinthians<.i>, 14:34-35, he writes, Let your women keep silent in the churches, for they are not permitted to speak; but they are to be submissive, as the law also says.


Lorraine's picture

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La tretas del debil

(Ensayo publicado en La Sarten Por El Mango: Encuentro De Escritoras Latinoamericanas (Colección La Nave y el puerto), Puerto Rico, 1985)

Las Tretas del débil
Por Josefina Ludmer

No hablaremos de la literatura femenina con rótulos ni generalizaciones universalizantes. Con esto queremos decir que rechazamos lecturas tautológicas: se sabe que en la distribución histórica de afectos, funciones y facultades (transformada en mitología, fijada en la lengua) tocó a la mujer dolor y pasión contra razón, concreto contra abstracto, adentro contra mundo, reproducción contra producción; leer estos atributos en el lenguaje y la literatura de mujeres es meramente leer lo que primero fue y sigue siendo inscripto en un espacio social. Una posibilidad de romper el círculo que confirma la diferencia en lo socialmente diferenciado es postular una inversión: leer en el discurso femenino el pensamiento abstracto, la ciencia y la política, tal como se filtran en los resquicios de lo conocido.

Hablaremos de lugares. Por un lado, un lugar común de la crítica: la Respuesta de Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz a Sor Filotea; por otro lado un lugar específico: el que ocupa una mujer en el campo del saber, en una situación histórica y discursiva precisa. Respecto de los lugares comunes (los textos clásicos, que parecen decir siempre lo que se quiere leer: textos dóciles a las mutaciones), interesan porque constituyen campos de lucha donde se debaten sistemas e interpretaciones enemigas; su revisión periódica es una de las maneras de medir la transformación histórica de los modos de lectura (objetivo fundamental de la teoría crítica). Respecto del lugar específico, se trata de otro tipo de discordancia: la relación entre este espacio que esta mujer se da y ocupa, frente al que le otorga la institución y la palabra del otro: nos movemos, también, en el campo de las relaciones sociales y la producción de ideas y textos. Leemos en esta carta ciertas tretas del débil en una posición de subordinación y marginalidad.


liza's picture

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Words to live by

Famously opposed educators come together:

"Our macro-level differences do not interfere with our mutual respect for each other’s work.
That itself is something we hope our schools can help teach young people.

Our differences helped us consider ways to rethink our ideas and find places where those holding different views might compromise, and perhaps learn to live under one umbrella.

What we hope to model is the idea of democratic engagement, the notion that citizens need to think about and debate their beliefs and values with others who do not necessarily share all of them.

We want the issues connected to schooling to be a matter for discussion among all people who care.

We don’t have it in our power to solve the problems that confront American education—not those that take place within the schoolhouse, much less those that have a direct impact on children’s ability to learn, such as their unequal access to health care, housing, and myriad other life necessities.

But we hope that we have it in our power to provoke the thinking that must precede, accompany, and follow any attempt to reform—perhaps, even better, to transform—our schools."


Deborah Meier and Diane Ravitch May 24, 2006 commentary in EDUCATION WEEK


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